名家专栏 | 张文木：从分裂到统一：古代中国地区竞争力从世界边缘走向中心——与欧洲比较（四）

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即北魏太武帝、北周武帝、唐武宗和后周世宗的“灭佛”对中国的历史进步乃至对佛教在中国的健康发展，具有极大的积极意义。经过这一系列强力整顿后，整个中国佛教基本放弃了其独立的政治诉求，返璞归真，回到其起源时的和平和学术的本位。此后，中国思想界的所谓“三教之争”就转为多元共存的轨道。在政治上，佛教从此也采取与王权绝对合作而非企图取代或独立于王权的生存方式，其教义也日益与道、儒两家糅为一体，成为宋明以来以忠君报国为理想的新儒家学说的重要思想养料，佛寺也更多地担当起失意者，尤其是政治上的失意者心灵慰藉而非造反者聚集的场所。尽管五代时期仍然不乏佞佛的皇帝，但总的说来，“王权强化对佛教控制的历史趋势，也开拓了宋以后佛教进一步依附于世俗政权的新阶段”。与此相应，佛教主流也从隋时与国家合作的天台宗到武周时富有张力的华严宗最后归位到主张自我心灵反省的禅宗，毛泽东更是明确指出：“宋明理学是从唐代的禅宗来的，从主观唯心论到客观唯心论。”那些曾经激进入仕的僧人则转向“舍身烧臂炼指，钉截手足”的异端，尽管不是主流，但它还是“一方面反映了佛教自身的衰落，另一方面又包含着对现实人生的厌倦和否定”。关于“三武一宗”灭佛的积极意义，在比较同期基督教在西方崛起及其后果后就会有更深刻的理解。如果我们看看同期欧洲在罗马帝国覆灭中崛起的基督教教廷通过“丕平献土”获得了土地主权继而获得税权、司法权等权力后，与欧洲北方“蛮族”建立的世俗王权形成的二元强势制约和由此造成的欧洲千年乱局，以及15世纪欧洲启蒙主义者为了改变这一乱局试图恢复君权至尊的法统地位而做出的与崔浩、卫元嵩等反佛人士同样的反天主教会的努力，我们就不能不为东方“三武一宗”对中国佛教的有力整顿措施及其积极效果感到庆幸：它不仅对于中国统一，而且对于中国后来一千多年的政治统一——欧洲迄今还在为此艰苦地努力——都有着如何估计都不会过高的历史作用。“三武一宗”之后，佛教才真正融入中国文化并成为中国统一政治的有益补充：国难时，它与国家共渡难关；承平时，则与道家一起成了社会失意者精神慰藉的“失乐园”和平衡社会心理的调节器。隋之前，中国只有汉朝可与罗马帝国相媲美；此后中华地区竞争力大为提升，中国相继出现唐、宋、元、明、清五大盛世，中国获得高速的发展。中国各朝持续的时间虽远不如罗马，但其总的繁荣持续的时间则比包括罗马在内的古代西方——即罗马古典时期和后古典时期——要长远得多，与中国隋之后同期的欧洲长期陷在愈演愈烈的政教二元冲突之中难以自拔。以隋为界，世界地区竞争正能量开始从西方向东方中国汇集。费孝通先生将中华民族构成形态概括为以汉民族为核心的“多元一体” ，事实上佛教融入中国传统文化的过程也是中国北方少数民族融入中华民族的过程在意识形态中的反映。我们应当庆幸，同样和同时面对政教二元对立的历史难题，中国人则比欧洲人能够更明智利用“多元一体”的思路予以化解，这为中国后来的一千多年间多次出现的中华民族大发展、大繁荣的朝代创造了条件。与此相反，由于欧洲人没有很好地化解这一历史难题，罗马以后的欧洲版图由罗马时期的长期统一、查理大帝时代短期再次统一后，立即全面陷入迄今还在深受其害的由内而外的政治碎化时期，此后本来较领先的欧洲中世纪历史因其过度内耗而逐渐退让给东方。黑格尔注意到这一点，他说：“太阳——光明——从东方升起来”；“历史开始于中国和蒙古人——神权专制政体的地方”。黑格尔说的“神权专制”并不是一个贬意概念，它表达的只是存在于中国的具有“一个中心为忠”即教权服从王权的国家制度。黑格尔说在中国“天子实在就是中心，各事都由他来决断，国家和人民的福利因此都听命于他”。至于宗教在中国的地位，黑格尔说：“天子是一国的元首，也是宗教的教主。结果，宗教在中国简直是‘国教’。”至于西方，黑格尔说“这个日耳曼世界从基督教的‘和解’开始”，在那里“‘教会的帝国’中的‘精神’的原则和‘世俗的帝国’中的粗鲁和狂暴的野蛮，这两者的对峙，在日耳曼国家里也可以看出”。但到黑格尔生活的时代，经过文艺复兴和启蒙运动，欧洲中世纪政教对立的历史条件发生转变。这时，在欧洲“国家所占的地位不再低于教会，而且不再附属于教会了。后者不拥有任何特权，精神的东西对于国家也再不陌生了”。而在东方中国，这种转变在隋唐之际就基本完成。此前在中国的大部分历史中，天子或皇权要屈服于分封王权，严重的内耗负能量延阻了中国发展的速度——这时的情况与罗马正好相反；与经历春秋战国后归统于秦的历史背景相似，隋唐期间，分封王权在“三国两晋南北朝”的几百年的内战中整体地受到削弱且因此归统于皇权。佛教的教权在改造、限制、利用的宗教政策中已放弃其独立的政治诉求，佛教成为爱国宗教，佛学由此也成为中国传统文化的有益部分。此后，世界文明的正能量迅速向中国汇聚。与此同期，欧洲知识分子还正在为实现“国家所占的地位不再低于教会”的目标而苦苦与教会斗争，当时的中国在欧洲知识分子心目中简直就是圣地，以至黑格尔羡慕地说“假如我们从上述各国的国运来比较它们，那末，只有黄河、长江流过的那个中华帝国是世界上惟一持久的国家。征服无从影响这样的一个帝国”。随后的历史也是上述论点的反证：西方在实现“国家所占的地位不再低于教会”的历史任务后，其资本主义生产方式迅猛发展，由此于19世纪赶上中国；与此同期，中国却在半壁江山卷入信奉天主的“太平天国”中开始衰落。东方领先西方的历史始于隋唐之后。其间比较好地解决了教权与皇权及皇权与分封王权的关系，这是促使东方快速发展的关键。每次长期战乱后都造成分封王权的大衰落和国家的大统一，在这方面秦始皇创造的郡县行政体制，当推首功。钱穆总结说：“春秋时代有封建贵族，东汉以下至中唐时期有大门第，晚唐以下迄于宋明，社会大门第全消失了，农户散漫，全成一新形态。”“新形态”即由商鞅开始的农民由国家直接联系并由国家直接调度从而更有利于国家统一的政治形态。而将多元化的意识形态融于以“忠君爱国”为使命的中国儒学，则需要更为细致和复杂的“否定之否定”过程，而融儒释道三家为一炉的新儒学标志着这个过程的基本完成。事实上，在公元后新千年开始之际，在欧洲开始为时近千年的“相攻击如仇雠，诸侯更相诛伐”历史进程之时，中国人却完成了国家行政统一和意识形态统一的任务并由此迎来了较欧洲更快的发展和更持久的繁荣。这里，英国学者安格斯·麦迪森（Angus Maddison）长尺度历史的统计可资说明：世界及地区GDP增长率（年均复合增长率、百分比）地区/年份0～10001000～1500西欧-0.010.30中国/亚洲（不含日本）0 .00/0.000.17/0.13世界0.010.15我们通过上表看到，从公元起始至公元1000年间，亚洲经济处于零增长状态，而此时欧洲正处政教两种力量冲突近于白热化，内耗规模已覆盖全欧洲，这严重影响了经济增长，此时欧洲的经济率低于亚洲和非洲，表现为负增长。这种差距直至公元500年后，即中国明朝后期，欧洲GDP增长率快速上升，但这只能说明那里的经济开始进入良性发展轨道，因其基数较低所表现出的较高增长率并不能说明其财富积累高于其他地区。下面的数据则是对上面的结论的进一步证明。世界及欧、亚GDP估计（单位：百万 1990年国际元）地区/年份010001500西欧11 115101 61544 345中国/亚洲（不含日本）26 820 /77 04026 550 /78 93061 800 /153 601世界102 536116 790247 116欧、亚GDP占世界GDP的份额（世界合计=100）地区/年份010001500西欧10.88.717.9中国/亚洲（不含日本）26.2 /75.122.7 /67.625.0 /62.1由以上两表我们看到，从公元元年到1500年，尽管同期农业耕地条件和人口增长率均高于同期的中国，西欧的GDP及其在世界中所占的份额始终与中国遑论同期亚洲仍有相当的差距。这种差距是如此之大到以至18世纪亚当·斯密（Adam Smith）在《国民财富的性质和原因研究》一书中都不得不承认“中国比欧洲任何国家都富得多”。“一家二贵，事乃无功。夫妻持政，子无适从。”贫，非不富也，分贝是也。现在回头来看，中世纪中欧经济这种差距产生的原因，无疑可归结到其政教两权二元对立给欧洲带来的结构性内耗。（六）历史的回声：从商鞅到崔浩历史是自然的历史和人类自觉奋斗的历史的统一，而正是自觉奋斗才使人的历史和动物的历史——这是纯自然的历史——有了本质的区别。而研究中国历史转折时，我们除了看到北魏太武帝拓跋焘、北周武帝宇文邕、唐武宗李炎和、周世宗柴荣等“秦皇汉武”式的人物的作用以外，我们也不能忘记与跟随他们一起奋斗的功臣们。当时他们反佛都是极孤独的，但其对中国历史的进步作用却是极其伟大的。王夫之在《读通鉴论》一书中开篇盛赞秦始皇：“郡县之制，垂二千年而弗能改矣，合古今上下皆安之，势之所趋，岂非理而能然也。”对于秦始皇的所谓“暴虐”，司马迁更是高调肯定说：“秦取天下多暴，然世异变，成功大。”至于秦帝国建立的第一功臣商鞅，苏轼则评价说：“唯商鞅变法，不顾人言，虽能骤至富强，亦以召怨天下，使其民知利而不知义，见刑而不见德，虽得天下，旋踵而失也；至于其身，亦卒不免，负罪出走，而诸侯不纳，车裂以徇，而秦人莫哀。”读史及此，联想起打破中国反佛最初“坚冰”的北魏太武帝的重要幕僚崔浩。《魏书》对崔浩的抱负和“油盐不进”的执着个性通过与其表兄卢玄的对话有细致的刻画：浩大欲齐整人伦，分明姓族。玄劝之曰：“夫创制立事，各有其时，乐为此者，讵几人也？宜其三思。”浩当时虽无异言，竟不纳，浩败颇亦由此。浩非毁佛法，而妻郭氏敬好释典，时时读诵。浩怒，取而焚之，捐灰于厕中。由这两段文字可以看出崔浩与商鞅一样有志于“欲齐人伦”，“创制立事”，其性格与商鞅也一样执着甚至“刻薄”，如书所言“浩败颇亦由此”。废佛是崔浩坚持的事业，他——与商鞅一样——坚定不移。书载废佛之初“始谦之与浩同从车驾，苦与浩诤，浩不肯，谓浩曰：‘卿今促年受戮，灭门户矣。’”四年后即太平真君十一年（公元450年），此言成真。真君十一年六月诛浩，清河崔氏无远近，范阳卢氏、太原郭氏、河东柳氏，皆浩之姻亲，尽夷其族。浩诛，备五刑，时年七十。崔浩死于极刑，刑前还尽受侮辱，书上说他被押往城南行刑的路上： 卫士数十人溲（撒尿）其上，呼声嗷嗷，闻于行路。自宰司之被戮，未有如浩者。崔浩与商鞅受到的都是极刑，其死因也都是旧贵族对新政的抵制。陈寅恪先生分析的十分透彻：崔浩想要建立的姓族与人伦、高官与儒学合而为一的贵族政治像梦一样幻灭了，北方门第最高的两个士族清河崔氏与范阳卢氏，基本上被杀绝了。对原鲜卑部酋来说，如果不消灭崔浩，崔浩的姻亲及其姓族，那就是他们自身将被汉人所同化。当时所谓汉化，就是要推崇有文化的士族，要与他们合而为一。鲜卑部酋已经走在这条路上了，所以他们对《国记》“备而不典”反感。但这时他们的汉化是不自觉的，自觉的是鲜卑部酋对汉化的抵制。崔浩事件的发生，表明在北魏的政治上，鲜卑部酋反汉化的力量超过了汉人儒家大族的汉化力量。但是汉化对当时的少数民族说来，是大势所趋，挡不住。到孝文帝时，北魏进入一个新的汉化时期。 陈寅恪说的北魏“汉化”的进程，对鲜卑人来说是不得已因而也是不自觉的，但对崔浩乃至太武帝来说，可就是自觉和理性的。因为如果不反佛，北魏将失去皇权；而要反佛就不能反儒，不然北魏就不会有自己的意识形态。与汉景帝不得已杀晁错的原因一样，北魏太武帝借《国记》事件亲杀崔浩显然也是为了平息贵族抵制汉化的情绪——这种情绪即使到孝文帝时仍然很大——不得已而为之的无奈之举。说不得已，是因为北魏统治者在尝试有独立于世俗皇权的主神的佛教甚至道教后，意识到没有一种意识形态能比以“致君尧舜上，再使风俗淳”为使命的儒学更有利于国家的稳定和发展。因此，中国胡人反复试错实践后还是极不情愿地选择了儒学。在王权和教权面前，一千多年后的莎士比亚说“生存还是毁灭，这是一个问题”，对当时的北魏太武帝来说，同样是人主（皇权）还是佛主（教权）的问题。胡人不可能放弃人主而就佛主，这样才产生了太武帝有那么大的决心毁灭已近乎“胡神”的佛教。结果与商鞅以“极刑”的结局换来秦“世异变，成功大”的万世之功一样，崔浩的极刑则使胡人接受儒化并由此矫正了当时中国可能出现的欧洲式的政教二元冲突的历史方向。与此同期，西方陷入政教二元冲突，这使西方从此失去了其自罗马以来长久不衰的繁荣和辉煌。对于崔浩的死，《魏书》作者扼腕叹曰：崔浩才艺通博，究览天人，政事筹策，时莫之二，此其所以自比于子房也。属太宗为政之秋，值世祖经营之日，言听计从，宁廓区夏。遇既隆也，勤亦茂哉。谋虽盖世，威未震主，末途邂逅，遂不自全。岂鸟尽弓藏，民恶其上？将器盈必概，阴害贻祸？何斯人而遭斯酷，悲夫!无疑，与商鞅一样，崔浩对中华民族的历史贡献是巨大的。如果将王夫之对秦始皇的盛赞用在崔浩遑论商鞅身上也不无道理，秦始皇创立的郡县制在中国“垂二千年而弗能改矣，合古今上下皆安之”。崔浩在太武帝崇佛、南方佞佛历史条件下，以大无畏的反潮流精神说服太武帝排佛，确立了中国以君主而非佛主为中心的儒家思想体系并由此使中国避免了欧洲正在形成的政教二元冲突的历史恶果。卢梭曾评价霍布斯说：基督教的统治精神是和他的体系不能相容的，而且牧师的利益永远要比国家的利益更强。霍布斯之所以为人憎恶，倒不在于他的政治理论中的可怕的和错误的东西，反而在于其中的真实的东西。将卢梭这句评论用于概括崔浩的思想也不为过。这就是：崔浩的政治理论为觊觎国家权力的宗教势力所憎恶，倒不在于其中的过激部分，而在于其中具有真理性的部分。由此笔者想到马克思青年时说的一句话，他说：如果我们选择了最能为人类福利而劳动的职业，那么，重担就不能把我们压倒，因为这是为大家而献身；那时我们所感到的就不是可怜的、有限的、自私的乐趣，我们的幸福将属于千百万人，我们的事业将默默地、但是永恒发挥作用地存在下去，而面对我们的骨灰，高尚的人们将洒下热泪。这句话用于概括商鞅、崔浩等人物是合适的。崔浩对中华民族的历史贡献与商鞅一样有着无论如何估计都不会过高的世界意义。面对他们的骨灰，高尚的人们将洒下热泪。（文章来源：作者授权）"}