伊丽莎白一世记载

ELIZABETH I, Queen of England and Ireland, born on Sunday the 7th of September 1533, and, like all the Tudors except Henry VII, at Greenwich Palace, was the only surviving child of Henry VIII by his second queen, Anne Boleyn. With such a mother and with Cranmer as her godfather she represented from her birth the principle of revolt from Rome, but the opponents of that movement attached little importance to her advent into the world. Charles V's ambassador, Chapuys, hardly deigned to mention the fact that the king's amie had given birth to a daughter, and both her parents were bitterly disappointed with her sex. She was, however, given precedence over Mary, her elder sister by sixteen years, and Mary never forgave the infant's offence. Even this dubious advantage only lasted three years until Elizabeth's mother was beheaded.

Elizabeth thus lost all hereditary title to the throne, and her early years of childhood can hardly have been happier than Mary's. Nor was her legitimacy ever legally established; but after Jane Seymour's death, when Henry seemed likely to have no further issue, she was by act of parliament [Act of Succession, 1544] placed next in order of the succession after Edward and Mary and their issue; and this statutory arrangement was confirmed by the will which Henry VIII was empowered by statute to make. Queen Catherine Parr introduced some humanity into Henry's household, and Edward and Elizabeth were well and happily educated together, principally at old Hatfield House.

They were there when Henry's death called Edward VI away to greater dignities, and Elizabeth was left in the care of Catherine Parr, who married in indecent haste Thomas, Lord Seymour, brother of the protector Somerset. This unprincipled adventurer, even before Catherine's death in September 1548, paid indelicate attentions to Elizabeth. Any attempt to marry her without the council's leave would have been treason on his part and would have deprived Elizabeth of her contingent right to the succession. Accordingly, when Seymour's other misbehaviour led to his arrest, his relations with Elizabeth were made the subject of a very trying investigation, which gave Elizabeth her first lessons in the arts of self-defence. She proved equal to the occasion, partly because she was in all probability innocent of anything worse than a qualified acquiescence in Seymour's improprieties and a girlish admiration for his handsome face. He or his tragic fate may have touched a deeper chord, but it was carefully concealed.

For the rest of Edward's reign Elizabeth's life was less tempestuous. She hardly rivalled Lady Jane Grey as the ideal Puritan maiden, but she swam with the stream, and was regarded as a foil to her stubborn Catholic sister. She thus avoided the enmity and the still more dangerous favour of Northumberland; and some unknown history lies behind the duke's preference of the Lady Jane to Elizabeth as his son's wife and his own puppet for the throne. She thus escaped shipwreck in his crazy vessel, and rode by Mary's side in triumph into London on the failure of the plot. For a time she was safe enough; she would not renounce her Protestantism until Catholicism had been made the law of the land, but she followed Gardiner's advice to her father when he said it was better that he should make the law his will than try to make his will the law.

It was not so much Elizabeth's religion as her nearness to the throne and the circumstances of her birth that endangered her life in Mary's reign. While Mary was popular Elizabeth was safe; but as soon as the Spanish marriage project had turned away English hearts Elizabeth inevitably became the centre of plots and the hope of the plotters. Had not Lady Jane still been alive to take off the edge of Mary's indignation and suspicion Elizabeth might have paid forfeit for Wyat's rebellion with her life instead of imprisonment. She may have had interviews with French agents who helped to foment the insurrection; but she was strong and wary enough to avoid Henry II's toils; for even in case of success she would have been the French king's puppet, placed on the throne, if at all, merely to keep it warm for Henry's prospective daughter-in-law, Mary Stuart. This did not make Mary Tudor any more friendly, and the Spaniards cried loud and long for Elizabeth's execution.

伊丽莎白一世，英格兰和爱尔兰女王，生于1533年9月7日星期日，和除亨利七世外的所有都铎家族成员一样，生于格林威治宫，是亨利八世与第二任王后安妮·博林唯一幸存的孩子。有了这样一位母亲，又有克兰麦做她的教父，她从出生起就代表着反抗罗马的原则，但反对这一运动的人并不重视她的诞生。查理五世的大使Chapuys几乎不愿提及国王的阿米生下了一个女儿的事实，她的父母对她的性别都非常失望。然而，她的年龄比她的姐姐玛丽大16岁，玛丽从来没有原谅过这个婴儿的冒犯。即使是这种可疑的优势也只持续了三年，直到伊丽莎白的母亲被砍头。伊丽莎白因此失去了王位的所有世袭头衔，她的童年早期几乎不可能比玛丽快乐。她的合法性也从未在法律上得到确立;但在简·西摩死后，当亨利似乎没有更多的后代时，她被议会通过《继承法案》(1544年)，按继承顺序排在爱德华和玛丽之后;这一法定安排被亨利八世的遗嘱所证实凯瑟琳·帕尔女王给亨利的家庭带来了一些人性，爱德华和伊丽莎白一起接受了良好而愉快的教育，主要是在老哈特菲尔德府。当亨利的死让爱德华六世去追求更大的荣誉时，他们都在场，伊丽莎白则由凯瑟琳·帕尔照管，她草率地嫁给了保护者萨默塞特的弟弟托马斯·西摩勋爵。这位无原则的冒险家，甚至在1548年9月凯瑟琳去世之前，就对伊丽莎白献殷勤。任何未经御前会议同意而与她结婚的企图，对他来说都是叛国罪，也会剥夺伊丽莎白的继承权。因此，当西摩的其他不当行为导致他被捕时，他与伊丽莎白的关系成为了一项非常艰难的调查的对象，这给伊丽莎白上了自卫艺术的第一堂课。事实证明她能应付自如，部分原因是她很可能除了对西摩的不正当行为有条件地默许和对他英俊脸蛋的少女般的爱慕之外，没有什么更糟糕的事情。他或他的悲惨命运可能触动了更深的心弦，但它被小心翼翼地隐藏起来。在爱德华统治的其余时间里，伊丽莎白的生活并没有那么动荡不安。作为理想的清教徒少女，她几乎无法与简·格雷夫人相比，但她却随波逐流，被认为是她那固执的天主教姐姐的陪衬。她这样就避免了诺森伯兰郡的敌意和更危险的好感。在公爵选择简夫人而不是伊丽莎白做他儿子的妻子和他自己的王位傀儡的背后，还有一些不为人知的历史。她就这样乘着他那艘疯狂的船逃过了海难，在阴谋失败后凯旋地跟在玛丽的身边，来到了伦敦。有一段时间，她是很安全的;她不肯放弃自己的新教信仰，除非把天主教定为国家法律，可是她还是听从了嘉丁纳给父亲的建议。父亲说，与其把自己的遗嘱变成法律，还不如把法律变成他的意志。与其说是伊丽莎白的宗教信仰，不如说是她与王位的亲密关系和她的出生环境使她在玛丽统治时期的生命受到威胁。玛丽受欢迎的时候，伊丽莎白是安全的;但当西班牙的婚姻计划让英国人失去了心伊丽莎白不可避免地成为阴谋的中心和密谋者的希望如果简夫人还活着，没有消除玛丽的愤怒和怀疑，伊丽莎白可能会为怀亚特的反叛付出生命而不是监禁的代价。她可能与帮助煽动叛乱的法国特工有过接触;但她足够坚强和谨慎，避开了亨利二世的苦役;因为即使成功了，她也会成为法国国王的傀儡，坐上王位，如果她能坐上王位，那也只是为了给亨利未来的儿媳玛丽·斯图亚特(Mary Stuart)取暖。这并没有使玛丽·都铎变得更加友好，西班牙人大声呼喊，渴望处决伊丽莎白。

She was sent to the Tower in March 1554, but few Englishmen were fanatic enough to want a Tudor beheaded. The great nobles, the Howards, and Gardiner would not hear of such a proposal; and all the efforts of the court throughout Mary's reign failed to induce parliament to listen to the suggestion that Elizabeth should be deprived of her legal right to the succession. After two months in the Tower she was transferred to Sir Henry Bedingfield's charge at Woodstock, and at Christmas, when the realm had been reconciled to Rome and Mary was expecting issue, Elizabeth was once more received at court. In the autumn of 1555 she went down to Hatfield, where she spent most of the rest of Mary's reign, enjoying the lessons of Ascham, and planting trees which still survive.

She had only to bide her time while Mary made straight her successor's path by uprooting whatever affection the English people had for the Catholic faith, Roman jurisdiction and Spanish control. The Protestant martyrs and Calais between them removed all the alternatives to an insular national English policy in church and in state; and no sovereign was better qualified to lead such a cause than the queen who ascended the throne amid universal, and the Spaniards thought indecent, rejoicings at Mary's death on the 17th of November 1558. "Mere English" she boasted of being, and after Englishmen's recent experience there was no surer title to popular favour. No sovereign since Harold had been so purely English in blood; her nearest foreign ancestor was Catherine of France, the widow of Henry V, and no English king or queen was more superbly insular in character or in policy.

She was the unmistakable child of the age so far as Englishmen shared in its characteristics, for with her English aims she combined some Italian methods and ideas. "An Englishman Italianate," ran the current jingle, "is a devil incarnate," and Elizabeth was well versed in Italian scholarship and statecraft. It is clear enough that, although, like her father, she was fond of ritual, she was absolutely devoid of the religious temperament, and that her ecclesiastical preferences were dictated by political considerations. She was sincere enough in her dislike of Roman jurisdiction and of Calvinism; a daughter of Anne Boleyn could have little affection for a system which made her a bastard, and all monarchs agreed at heart with James I's aphorism about "no bishop, no king." It was convenient, too, to profess Lutheran sympathies, for Lutheranism was now an established, monarchical and comparatively respectable religion, very different from the Calvinism against which monarchs directed the Counter-reformation from political motives. Lutheran dogma, however, had few adherents in England, though its political theory coincided with that of Anglicanism in the 16th century. The compromise that resulted from these conflicting forces suited Elizabeth very well; she had little dislike of Catholics who repudiated the papacy, but she was forced to rely mainly on Protestants, and had little respect for any form of ecclesiastical self-government. She valued uniformity in religion, not as a safeguard against heresy, but as a guarantee of the unity of the state.

The outlines of her foreign policy are sketched elsewhere, and her courtships were diplomatic. Contemporary gossip said that she was debarred from matrimony by a physical defect; and her cry when she heard that Mary queen of Scots had given birth to a son is the most womanly thing recorded of Elizabeth. Her features were as handsome as Mary's, but she had little fascination, and in spite of her many suitors no man lost his head over Elizabeth as men did over Mary. She was far too 'masculine' in mind and temperament, and her extravagant addiction to the outward trappings of femininity was probably due to the absence or atrophy of deeper feminine instincts. In the same way the impossibility of marriage made her all the freer with her flirtations, and she carried some of them to lengths that scandalized a public unconscious of Elizabeth's security. She had every reason to keep them in the dark, and to convince other courts that she could and would marry if the provocation were sufficient. She could not marry Philip II, but she held out hopes to more than one of his Austrian cousins whenever France or Mary Stuart seemed to threaten; and later she encouraged two French princes when Philip had lost patience with Elizabeth and made Mary Stuart his protegee. Her other suitors were less important, except Leicester, who appealed to the least intellectual side of Elizabeth and was always a cause of distraction in her policy and her ministers.

1554年3月，她被送往伦敦塔，但很少有英国人狂热到想要都铎王朝的人被斩首。豪门贵族，如霍华德家和嘉丁纳家的人，是不会接受这样的建议的。在玛丽执政期间，宫廷的所有努力都未能说服议会听取剥夺伊丽莎白合法继承权的建议。在伦敦塔里住了两个月后，伊丽莎白被移交给伍德斯托克的亨利·贝丁菲尔德爵士照管。到了圣诞节，王国与罗马和解，玛丽又要生育了，伊丽莎白又一次受到了宫廷的接待。1555年秋，她来到哈特菲尔德，在那里度过了玛丽统治后的大部分时光，享受阿斯克姆的教诲，并种植了至今仍存的树木。她只需要等待时机，而玛丽则通过铲除英国人对天主教信仰，罗马司法和西班牙控制的一切感情，为她的继任者铺平道路。新教殉道者和加莱在教会和国家层面消除了所有可以替代英格兰国家政策的选择;没有任何君主能比女王更有资格领导这样的事业，她在1558年11月17日玛丽去世后，西班牙人认为她是不体面的加冕。她自夸自己是“纯粹的英国人”，而在英国人近来的经历之后，再没有比这更受欢迎的称号了。自哈罗德以来，还没有哪个君主像他这样血统纯正的英国人;她最亲近的外国祖先是法国的凯瑟琳，亨利五世的遗孀。在性格和政策上，没有哪个英国国王或女王比她更孤僻。就英国人的特点而言，她无疑是那个时代的孩子，因为她把一些意大利的方法和思想与她的英国目标结合起来了。“一个意大利血统的英国人，”时下流行的流行歌曲这样写道，“是魔鬼的化身”，而伊丽莎白非常精通意大利学术和治国之道。很明显，虽然她像她父亲一样喜欢仪式，但她完全没有宗教气质，她对教会的偏爱是由政治考虑决定的。她对罗马司法权和加尔文主义的厌恶是真诚的;安妮·博林的女儿是不会喜欢把她变成私生子的制度的，所有的君主在内心都同意詹姆斯一世的格言:“没有主教，就没有国王。”对路德教表示同情也是很方便的，因为路德教现在已经是一个确立的、君主统治的、相对受人尊敬的宗教，与君主出于政治动机指挥反改革运动的加尔文教截然不同。然而，路德教的教义在英国几乎没有追随者，尽管其政治理论与16世纪的英国国教相一致。这些相互冲突的力量所产生的妥协非常适合伊丽莎白;她对否定教皇身份的天主教徒没有什么反感，但她被迫主要依赖新教徒，对任何形式的教会自治都不尊重。她重视宗教的统一性，不是为了防止异教，而是为了保证国家的统一。她的外交政策的轮廓在其他地方勾勒出来，她的求爱是外交上的。当时的流言说她因为身体缺陷而被禁止结婚;当她听说苏格兰女王玛丽生下了一个儿子时的哭泣，是关于伊丽莎白最具女人味的记录。她的容貌和玛丽一样漂亮，但她没有什么魅力。尽管她有许多求婚者，但没有人会像男人对玛丽那样为伊丽莎白失去理智。她在思想和气质上太过“男性化”，她对女性气质的外在装饰的过度沉迷可能是由于更深层次的女性本能的缺失或萎缩。同样地，既然不可能结婚，她也就更加肆无忌惮地调情了。她在一些调情上做得太过火了，这使公众对伊丽莎白的安全感一无所知。她有充分的理由瞒着他们，并使其他宫廷相信，只要足以激怒他们，她就可以而且愿意结婚。她不能嫁给菲利普二世，但每当法国或玛丽·斯图亚特威胁她的时候，她就把希望寄托在他的多个奥地利表姐身上。后来，当菲利普对伊丽莎白失去耐心时，她又鼓励了两位法国王子，让玛丽·斯图亚特成为他的门生。她的其他追求者都不那么重要，除了莱斯特，他吸引了伊丽莎白最不聪明的一面，总是让她的政策和大臣们分心。

Alexander von Liezen-Mayer. 亚历山大·冯·Liezen-Mayer。

Queen Elizabeth signing the Death 伊丽莎白女王签署了死亡书

Warrant of Mary, Queen of Scots. 苏格兰女王玛丽的授权。

Elizabeth was terribly handicapped by having no heirs of her body and no obvious English successor. She could not afford to recognize Mary's claim, for that would have been to alienate the Protestants, double the number of Catholics, and, in her own phrase, to spread a winding-sheet before her eyes; for all would have turned to the rising sun. 伊丽莎白的身体没有继承人，也没有明显的英国继承人，这使她非常残疾。她不能承认玛丽的要求，因为那样会疏远新教徒，使天主教徒的人数翻倍，用她自己的话说，就像在她眼前铺上了一层裹尸布。因为所有人都将转向初升的太阳。Mary was dangerous 玛丽是危险的 enough as it was, and no one would willingly make his rival his heir. Elizabeth could hardly be expected to go out of her way and ask parliament to repeal its own acts for Mary's sake; probably it would have refused. Nor was it personal enmity on Elizabeth's part that brought Mary to the block. Parliament had long been ferociously demanding Mary's execution, not because she was guilty but because she was dangerous to the public peace. She alone could have given the 就这样，没有人愿意让他的对手成为他的继承人。人们很难指望伊丽莎白会为了玛丽而特意要求议会废除自己的法案;它可能会拒绝。也不是伊丽莎白的个人恩怨使玛丽走上了绝路。国会一直强烈要求处决玛丽，不是因为她有罪，而是因为她对公共和平构成了威胁。她一个人就能Spanish Armada 西班牙无敌舰队 any real chance of success; and as the prospect of invasion loomed larger on the horizon, fiercer grew the popular determination to remove the only possible centre of a domestic rising, without which the external attack was bound to be a failure. Elizabeth resisted the demand, not from compassion or qualms of conscience, but because she dreaded the responsibility for Mary's death. She wished 任何真正的成功机会;随着入侵的前景在地平线上日益显现，民众要铲除国内起义的唯一可能中心的决心也越来越强烈，因为没有这个中心，外部的进攻必然是失败的。伊丽莎白拒绝了这个要求，不是出于同情或良心不安，而是因为她害怕为玛丽的死负责。她希望Paulet would manage the business on his own account, and when at last her signature was extorted she made a scapegoat of her secretary 他会以自己的名义管理公司，当最后她的签名被勒索时，她就拿她的秘书当替罪羊Davison 戴维森 who had the warrant executed. 他执行了搜查令。

The other great difficulty, apart from the succession, with which Elizabeth had to deal, arose from the exuberant aggressiveness of England, which she could not, and perhaps did not want to, repress. Religion was not really the cause of her external dangers, for the time had passed for crusades, and no foreign power seriously contemplated an armed invasion of England for religion's sake. But no state could long tolerate the affronts which English seamen offered Spain. The common view that the British Empire has been won by purely defensive action is not tenable, and from the beginning of her reign Englishmen had taken the offensive, partly from religious but also from other motives. They were determined to break up the Spanish monopoly in the new world, and in the pursuit of this endeavour they were led to challenge Spain in the old. For nearly thirty years 除了王位继承问题之外，伊丽莎白还要面对另一个巨大的困难，那就是英国人的咄咄逼人，这是她所不能，也许也不愿意去抑制的。宗教并不是她外部危险的真正原因，因为十字军东征的时代已经过去了，没有任何外国势力真正考虑过为了宗教而武装入侵英国。但是没有一个国家能够长期容忍英国水手对西班牙的侮辱。认为大英帝国是通过纯粹的防御行动赢得的普遍观点是站不住脚的，从她统治的开始，英国人就采取了攻势，部分是出于宗教，但也有其他动机。他们决心打破西班牙在新世界的垄断，为了实现这一目标，他们在旧世界向西班牙发起了挑战。近三十年来Philip 菲利普 put up with the capture of his treasure-ships, the raiding of his colonies and the open assistance rendered to his rebels. Only when he had reached the conclusion that his power would never be secure in the Netherlands or the New World until England was conquered, did he despatch the Spanish Armada. Elizabeth delayed the breach as long as she could, probably because she knew that war meant taxation, and that taxation was the most prolific parent of revolt. 忍受他的宝船被掠夺，殖民地被洗劫，叛军被公开援助。只有当他得出结论，在征服英国之前，他在荷兰或新大陆的权力永远不会得到保障时，他才派出了西班牙无敌舰队。伊丽莎白尽可能地拖延了决战的时间，可能是因为她知道战争意味着征税，而征税是反抗最多产的根源。

With the defeat of the 随着战败的Spanish Armada 西班牙无敌舰队 Elizabeth's work was done, and during the last fifteen years of her reign she got more out of touch with her people. That period was one of gradual transition to the conditions of Stuart times; during it practically every claim was put forward that was made under the first two Stuarts either on behalf of parliament or the prerogative, and Elizabeth's attitude towards the Puritans was hardly distinguishable from 伊丽莎白的工作完成了，在她统治的最后15年里，她与人民的接触越来越少。这一时期是逐步过渡到斯图亚特时代的时期;在此期间，前两位斯图亚特王朝时期的所有主张都被提出要么代表议会，要么代表特权，伊丽莎白对清教徒的态度几乎与之无异James I 詹姆斯一世's. But her past was in her favour, and so were her sex and her Tudor tact, which checked the growth of discontent and made 但是她的过去对她有利，她的性别和她都铎王朝的机智也对她有利，这一切都抑制了不满的增长，使她有了Essex 埃塞克斯's rebellion a ridiculous fiasco. He was the last and the most wilful but perhaps the best of her favourites, and his tragic fate deepened the gloom of her closing years. The loneliness of a queen who had no husband or children and no relatives to mention must at all times have been oppressive; it grew desolating in old age after the deaths of 他的叛乱是荒谬的惨败。他是她最后一个也是最固执的，但也许是她最喜欢的人，他悲惨的命运加深了她晚年的阴郁。一个王后既无夫无子，又无亲眷可提，她的孤独在任何时候都是令人压抑的;在老的时候，它变得荒凉Leicester 莱斯特, ，Walsingham 沃尔辛海姆, ，Burghley and Essex, and Elizabeth died, the last of her race, on the 24th of March 1603. 1603年3月24日，伊莉莎白，她的最后一个家族成员去世了。