During her fifteen years under house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi—now the de-facto leader of Myanmar—found solace in the poetry and novels of authors such as George Eliot, Victor Hugo, John le Carré, and Anna Akhmatova. Another favorite, she has said, was Rebecca West’s “Black Lamb and Grey Falcon,” an epic travelogue about Yugoslavia written on the eve of the Second World War.
十五年软禁生涯里，缅甸实际领导人昂山素季在乔治·艾略特、维克多·雨果、约翰·勒卡雷和安娜·阿赫马托娃等作家的诗歌和小说中寻求慰藉。她还曾说过，她还喜欢丽贝卡·韦斯特的《黑羔羊与灰猎鹰》，一部二战前夕在南斯拉夫的宏大行记。
West described a country that Aung San Suu Kyi would have recognized as being much like her own: a fragile mosaic of ethnicities, languages, historical backgrounds, and cultural traditions.
昂山素季该意识到，韦斯特笔下的国家和她的祖国颇多相像：民族林立，语言众多，历史背景复杂，文化传统多样，杂糅并存，脆弱不堪。
In a short essay called “Let’s Visit Burma,” published in 1985, Aung San Suu Kyi described the “colourful and diverse origins and customs” of her compatriots. Rakhine state, in the west of Myanmar, was something of a “mystery” in this respect, she wrote. Its population had originated from “Mongolian and Aryan peoples who had come over from India.”
昂山素季在1985年发表的短文《来看看缅甸》中，讲述了同胞“多彩和多样的祖源与习惯”。她写道，在这一方面，缅甸西部罗兴亚人所在邦有点“神秘”。其人口源自“蒙古和雅利安人种，从印度移居而来”。
Owing to its geographical position, Bengal had also “played a major part” in its history and culture. Among the state’s numerous ethnic groups —Arakanese, Thek, Dainet, Myo, Mramagyi, and Kaman—others displayed “the influence of Bengali.” But she assured readers that while there are “more people of the Islamic faith to be found in [Rakhine] than anywhere else in Burma,” it had been “predominately Buddhist” for centuries.
由于地理位置，孟加拉在其历史和文化中也“发挥重要作用”。该邦民族众多，若开人、铁克人、代尼特人、缪人、麻銮麻吉人和卡曼人等都体现出“孟加拉人的影响力”。但她让读者放心，尽管“这里的伊斯兰信仰比缅甸其他各处都多”，几个世纪以来“主要还是佛教徒居多”。
By groups that “displayed the influence of Bengali”, Aung San Suu Kyi certainly meant the Rohingya, a stateless minority in northern Rakhine that most Myanmar people consider to be Bangladeshi immigrants. Since August 25th, when militants from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacked police posts and an Army base, as many as a thousand Rohingya have been killed and over three hundred and seventy thousand (more than third of the Rohingya population) have been forced into neighboring Bangladesh, human-rights groups estimate.
在昂山素季所谓那些“体现了孟加拉人影响”的民族中，肯定包括罗兴亚人，居住在若开邦北部没有祖国的少数民族，多数缅甸人认为他们是孟加拉移民。人权组织预计，自8月25日若开罗兴亚拯救军的好战分子袭击警局和一军事基地以来，多达千名罗兴亚人被杀，超过三十七万罗兴亚人（占罗兴亚总人口的三分之一）被迫逃到邻国孟加拉。
Aung San Suu Kyi’s champions are now contemplating her fall from grace, appalled that the Nobel Peace Prize winner remains silent about and unmoved by a crisis described this week by the U.N.’s human-rights chief as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”
昂山素季的支持者如今在考虑剥夺对她的奖励，他们震惊于这位诺贝尔和平奖得主对被联合国人权主官本周形容为“教科书式的种族清洗范例”的一场危机保持沉默，无动于衷。
There have been widespread calls for the Nobel Committee to strip her of the prize. But there is no statutory procedure for doing so, nor is it clear how this would end the murder, rape, and mass exodus of the Rohingya at the hands of Myanmar’s Army.
各界呼吁诺贝尔委员会取消授奖，可并无法律程序可供依从，这么做了又何以能结束缅甸军队股掌之中的罗兴亚人被谋杀、遭强奸和大规模出逃也尚不清楚。
The most urgent and powerful appeals to Aung San Suu Kyi have come from her fellow Nobel laureates. The Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai, who won the prize for her advocacy of girls’ education, condemned the “tragic and shameful treatment” of the Rohingya. “I am still waiting for my fellow Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to do the same.”
对昂山素季最迫切和最有力的请求来自和她同获诺贝尔和平奖的人。因主张女孩教育而获奖的巴基斯坦活动人士马拉拉·优素福扎伊谴责罗兴亚人“悲惨和可耻的遭遇”。“我仍在等待昂山素季也发出谴责”。
Addressing a letter to his “dear sister,” the anti-apartheid activist Desmond Tutu wrote of his “profound sadness” and called on Aung San Suu Kyi to end the military-led operations. “If the political price of your ascension to the highest office in Myanmar is your silence, the price is surely too steep,” he wrote.
反种族隔离活动人士德斯蒙德·图图在一封致“亲爱的修女”的信中，说他感到“深深的悲恸”，呼吁昂山素季结束军事行动。“如果问鼎缅甸最高权位的政治代价是你的沉默，这个代价肯定太大了。”他写道。
This is not the first time that laureates have spoken of their displeasure with Aung San Suu Kyi. In December last year, when the military conducted another brutal offensive against the Rohingya, thirteen Nobel winners, including Muhammad Yunus, Shirin Ebadi, and Leymah Gbowee, signed an open letter deploring the Army’s use of helicopter gunships, arbitrary arrests, and the rape of women.
这并非和平奖得主们第一次谈及对昂山素季的不满。去年12月，军方对罗兴亚人展开另外一次残酷攻击时，包括穆罕默德·尤努斯、希林·艾巴迪、莱伊曼·古博薇在内的12名诺贝尔奖得主签署公开信，谴责军方使用武装直升机，大肆逮捕，强奸妇女等。
“Despite repeated appeals to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,” they concluded, using her honorific, “we are frustrated that she has not taken any initiative to ensure full and equal citizenship rights of the Rohingyas. Daw Suu Kyi is the leader and is the one with primary responsibility to lead, and lead with courage, humanity and compassion.”
“无论怎样吁求昂山素季女士，”他们总结到，这里还用到了敬语，“她未采取任何行动确保罗兴亚人的平等公民权利，这让我们感到失望。昂山素季女士是领导人，其主要责任就是以勇气、人性和同情领导国家。”
When Aung San Suu Kyi accepted her own prize, in Oslo, in June, 2012, she said that, under house arrest, “it felt as though I were no longer a part of the real world. . . . What the Nobel Peace Prize did was to draw me once again into the world of other human beings outside the isolated area in which I lived, to restore a sense of reality to me. . . . I began to understand the significance of the Nobel Prize.”
2012年6月，昂山素季在奥斯陆领奖时说，在软禁期间，“感觉我不再是真实世界的一部分了……诺贝尔和平奖让我走出幽闭的居所，再次回到人的世界中来，再次给了我真实感……我看是明白诺贝尔奖的重要意义了。”
Since becoming State Counsellor, in 2016, however, she has retreated into the solitude of her former life. Her husband, Michael Aris, died, of cancer, in 1999—she was prevented by the military regime from saying goodbye to him—and she rarely sees her sons. People close to her describe a life of morbid isolation, living alone in the administrative capital, Naypyidaw—arguably the dreariest city on earth—pouring over state documents late into the night. She rarely gives interviews, and is reluctant to delegate responsibilities (there is no obvious successor to lead her party when she’s gone).
然而2016年成为国务资政以来，她又退回到曾经的孤独中去。1999年，丈夫迈克尔·阿里斯死于癌症，军政府不让她与爱人诀别，她也几乎看不到她的儿子。现在，她身边人说她病态地幽居着，独自住在行政首都内比都，批阅文件到深夜，据称那里是地球上最乏味的城市。她很少接受采访，也不愿放权，她死后谁继承她领导她的党派也没有眉目。
There’s no evidence that the laureates’ chorus of indignation has any bearing on Aung San Suu Kyi, or whether their declarations can break the spell of isolation and bring her back to the outside world. The only response she has made to the present crisis in Rakhine was a Facebook post, detailing a phone conversation she had with Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. In it, she criticized the “huge iceberg of misinformation calculated to create a lot of problems between different communities and with the aim of promoting the interest of the terrorists.”
没有证据显示和平奖得主异口同声的义愤之辞对昂山素季产生什么影响，或是这些声明打破了幽居的魔咒，将她带回到外部世界中来。她对当下若开邦危机唯一的回应是一条脸书帖文，帖文详述了自己同土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安的电话记录。在对话中，她批评“信息不实的巨大冰山导致了不同社区间的诸多问题，其目的在于增进恐怖分子的利益。”
While Aung San Suu Kyi has remained silent, the offices and ministries under her charge have not, describing the Rohingya as Bengalis and publicly advocating the use of force in certain situations. “If they are going to harm you, you can shoot them,” Aung San Suu Kyi’s spokesman, U Zaw Htay, said.
昂山素季仍在保持沉默，她手下的官员却没有，他们说罗兴亚人是孟加拉人，公开主张在某些情形下使用武力。“如果他们准备伤害你，你可以开枪，”昂山素季的发言人吴卓铁说。
The most egregious case of the recklessness of Aung San Suu Kyi’s government came last month, when it accused international aid workers of supporting terrorists, prompting fears for the safety of thousands of people in Myanmar employed by charities and N.G.O.s. There have been demands that the U.S. government stop using the name “Rohingya”, and when a Rohingya women gave details of an alleged gang rape, Aung San Suu Kyi’s office dismissed it as “fake rape.”
昂山素季政府草率行事，最臭名昭著的例子发生在上个月，它指控国际援助工支持恐怖主义，而慈善组织和非政府组织在缅甸雇佣了数千人，安全形势令人担忧。缅甸反复要求美国政府停止使用“罗兴亚人”。一个罗兴亚妇女详细叙述自己被轮奸时，昂山素季的政府认为这是“假强奸”。
Aung San Suu Kyi’s biographer, Peter Popham, writes in “The Lady and the Generals: Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s Struggle for Democracy” that she “has become an object lesson in the slipperiness of the concept of heroism, and the folly of hero-worship.” Indeed, the tenor of the denunciations suggests that Aung San Suu Kyi’s critics are angered as much by a sense of personal betrayal as they are by her silence.
昂山素季的传记作家彼得·波帕姆在《夫人和将军们：昂山素季和缅甸对民主的追求》一书中说，她“已成为模棱两可的英雄主义概念和荒唐的英雄崇拜的实例”。实际上，谴责表明昂山素季的批评者被她的沉默激怒，同时也被一种个人的背叛感激怒。
She has exposed the artlessness with which many in the West reduced a complex personality into a Rapunzel of the East, emptied of her more illiberal traits, such as an authoritarian leadership style, and some potentially unsavory views on Muslims.
她表现出来的淳朴，让许多西方人把复杂人格简化为东方的长发公主，把她相对不大开明的性格清空，例如专职领导风格，以及对穆斯林可能存在某种负面看法。
The BBC correspondent, Fergal Keane, who probably knows Aung San Suu Kyi better than any other foreign journalist, has admitted that “we knew too little of Myanmar and its complex narratives of ethnic rivalries. . . . And we knew too little of Aung San Suu Kyi herself.”
BBC记者弗加尔·基恩对昂山素季的了解比其他外国记者都多，他承认“我们对缅甸和其复杂的民族敌对史知之甚少……我们对昂山素季本人的了解也不多。”
In a rare interview with Keane in April, she denied ethnic cleansing was taking place in Rakhine, and resisted the cruder perceptions of her persona: “I am just a politician. I am not quite like Margaret Thatcher, no. But on the other hand, I am no Mother Teresa, either.”
她很少接受采访，4月接受基恩采访时，她否认若开邦发生种族清洗，抵制对她角色的粗糙看法：“我只是一个政客。我不太像玛格丽特·撒切尔，不像。但另一方面，我也不是特雷莎修女。”
Unlike Thatcher, a consummate political operator, many have commented upon Aung San Suu Kyi’s weakness as a politician. Her failure to act against the military operation in Rakhine, so the argument goes, is not a result of her bigotry but because she is unable to outmaneuver the generals in Myanmar’s very own game of thrones.
和完美的政治操盘手撒切尔不同，许多人认为作为一个政客的昂山素季存在弱点。因此有说法认为，她未能反对若开邦的军事行动，并非她存有偏见，原因是在缅甸本国的权力游戏中，她没法胜过将军们。
Few can blame Aung San Suu Kyi for her political impotence. The constitutional arrangements of Myanmar would foil the shrewdest operative. Designed by the military, in 2008, the constitution gives the armed forces control of three ministries—the interior, borders, and defense—that are beyond the oversight of the civilian government. It bars Aung San Suu Kyi from becoming President, and allows the Army to veto any attempt at constitutional reform.
很少有人责备昂山素季政治无能。缅甸的宪政安排会挫败最狡猾的运筹者。2008年军方设计的宪法让武装力量控制三个部门：内政部、边境部和国防部，这三个部门不受民选政府监督。宪法阻碍昂山素季成为总统，允许军方否决任何试图修宪的企图。
The irony, then, is that if Aung San Suu Kyi once represented the power of the powerless, she is now powerless in power, taking the flak for the Army’s unrelenting inhumanity in its fight against ethnic rebels on the borderlands, and the Rohingya.
讽刺的是，如果说昂山素季曾代表无权者的权力，现在她成了当权的无权者，因军队残暴弹压边疆地区民族叛军和罗兴亚人而遭人诟病。
Aung San Suu Kyi’s powerlessness hardly matters on this issue, anyway: hatred of the Rohingya is one thing that unites Myanmar. Despite their political differences, Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, and the military are in lockstep when it comes to the problem of northern Rakhine.
可不管怎么说，在这个问题上，昂山素季无能为力说明不了问题，憎恨罗兴亚人是一件可以让缅甸团结起来的事。尽管昂山素季的党派全国民主联盟和军方在政治上有分歧，在若开邦北部的问题上却亦步亦趋。
Years of xenophobic, anti-Rohingya propaganda, pushed from the late nineteen-seventies by the military government, endures in the nation’s collective memory, and is stoked by the hate sermons of Buddhist monks like Ashin Wirathu. By speaking up for the Rohingya, Aung San Suu Kyi imperils her standing in the eyes of her fellow-citizens.
十九世纪末军政府开始推行多年的仇外和反罗兴亚人宣传还保存在国家集体记忆中，随着亚信·维拉图等佛教徒在布道中宣扬憎恨，这种记忆死灰复燃了。为罗兴亚人说话，昂山素季等于危害了她在同胞心目中的地位。
When she was thrust into the public eye, in 1988, it was her lineage, rather than her politics, that was the driving force. As the daughter of General Aung San, the nationally revered founder of modern Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi was at the mercy of activists who recognized the dynastic force that her name, and looks (she is the spitting image of her father), lent to their struggle against the generals.
1988年进入公众视野时，她凭借了家世而非政声。昂山将军是现代缅甸缔造者，广受人民尊重。作为他的女儿，昂山素季任凭活动人士摆布，他们认识到她的名头和酷似父亲的长相拥有一种王朝气度，可以用来与将军们斗争。
Responsible for negotiating Burma’s independence from the British Empire, Aung San was assassinated by paramilitary forces of the former Prime Minister U Saw, in 1947, six months before its official declaration. Aung San Suu Kyi was just two years old at the time, but there’s no doubting her love and admiration for him. In a 2013 radio interview with the BBC, she described her father as “my first love and my best love.” This filial piety is perhaps the key to understanding Aung San Suu Kyi as saint and sinner.
1947年，设法让缅甸从大英帝国获得独立的昂山将军被前总理吴素的军警暗杀，六个月后才宣布此事。昂山素季当时只有两岁，但毫无疑问她爱戴父亲。2013年接受BBC广播采访时，她将父亲形容为“我第一次也是最深的爱”。或许孝心是理解圣人和罪人昂山素季的关键。
Her father was an extraordinarily tenacious, even ruthless, man who navigated between the British and Japanese empires in order to achieve his objective—a unified, independent Burma. He was also a Burmese nationalist who cared little for the nation’s ethnic minorities.
她的父亲格外顽强，甚至残酷，周旋于英国和日本两大帝国间，推动实现他的目的，一个统一、独立的缅甸。他也是缅族民族主义者，毫不关心国家的少数族裔。
Today, he is universally venerated in Myanmar, while few outside the country know who he is. This has almost certainly influenced Aung San Suu Kyi, who mimics his leadership style, moral code, and political priorities. The Rohingya are a distraction from her overriding ambition: to complete her father’s dream of unifying the country and ending a civil war that has raged between ethnic rebel forces and the Myanmar government since 1948.
如今，他在缅甸广受爱戴，尽管国外人很少有人知道他。这自然影响了昂山素季，她模仿父亲的领导风格、道德准则和政治议程。罗兴亚人是她雄心壮志的插曲：完成父亲统一国家的梦想并结束1948年以来少数民族叛军和缅甸政府间的内战。
As Rebecca West wrote in “Black Lamb and Grey Falcon,” in a passage that Aung San Suu Kyi likely associated with her father when reading the book under house arrest, “it is the habit of the people, whenever an old man mismanages his business so that it falls to pieces as soon as he dies, to say, ‘Ah, So-and-so was a marvel! He kept things together so long as he was alive, and look what happens now he has gone!’ ”
正如丽贝卡·韦斯特在《黑羔羊与灰猎鹰》所言，这一段落可能让遭软禁的昂山素季联想到父亲，“无论何时，要是一位长者治理不善，他一死就事业就分崩离析了，人们习惯要说：那个谁谁真了不起！只要他活着，一切都还行，瞧瞧他一死成了什么样子。”
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